On August 9 I
got a proposal from the judge Ines Walther for the cessation of the case based
on Article 153 a of the German Code of Criminal Procedures. The deal was for me
to pay just 1 000 euro to a nonprofit association (according to the penalty
order I had to pay 17 500 euro) against keeping my criminal record certificate
and the Federal Central Register clean from the sentence.
On August 11,
after studying the article 153 a I declined the proposal on the grounds that for
principal and as well as for pragmatic reasons I can not take on me a fault
which I do not have. I added that I could consider eventual compromises only in
connection with my future activities and only in connection with the release of
my Hungarian contacts and the restoration of my right on private life.
The proposal
confirmed my view that my trial is not about justice but about the deletion of
my blog and that it has to end either with decision or sentence, imposing this
deletion (in article 153 a it is called “removal of the public interest in
prosecution” through “removal of the damage” and I realized that the judge is
under pressure to deliver quickly and silently and the proposal was the best
deal the sponsors of the trial were willing to offer me in order to avoid a
main hearing. I knew that soon after my decline their next move would come. On
September 6 I received the invitation for the main hearing to take place on
October 28 at 10 a.m. Judge Walther had declined to order an
investigation against human trade and thus violated the legality principle. The
slaveholder state of Germany had decided to get my blog deleted at any price.
On September
13 I visited the Leipzig district court to review the newest file acts. To my
surprise there was no single act beyond those I had already received or sent.
Perceiving the cessation proposal on the ground of article 153 a as an evidence
that the judge considers me guilty, I asked for the acts with which she and the
prosecutor had rejected my defense statement and proofs. I was told that they
had not taken yet stance on them. Formally this was true – in her proposal the
judge wrote that she had taken my defense statement into knowledge, which is
quite a neutral statement. However, I could not understand, how a judge, who
has not taken stand on the defense statement and the proofs of an accused,
could offer him to admit himself guilty against a milder punishment. And if, as I was told, I learned on the very
main hearing, on which the sentence is to be announced, that my proofs are not
sufficient, how could I react in no time on the very hearing to make up?
Besides, there was no consent of the prosecution for the made to me cessation
proposal, and without such a consent the judge would not propose. The main issue
is, that the appointment of the main hearing means that the judge has rejected
the very base of my defense – the demand to cease the trial on the ground of
the committed legal violations, however does not want to make her arguments for
this known. I believe that when a judge declines a demand of the defence, she
should give immediately the grounds for this. By
failing to do so, judge Walther has violated article 6, par. 3, point (b) of the European Convention on Human
Rights (the “Convention”), which requires that the charged be given adequate
time and facilities for the preparation of his defense.
I had to
realize that the judge and the prosecutor had minimized their written
correspondence with the consequence that although I was allowed to review the
file acts, the case had become completely non-transparent to me, which
is also a violation of article 6, par. 3 point (b) of the Convention. Obviously
both preferred to work in darkness, while leaving me in darkness. By the way,
similar method were used by the Nazi judges who conducted the trials against
the members of the antifascist organization “The Red Orchestra” - the accused
were given the file acts in the evening ahead of their main trials. It
seems that the judge counts on the circumstance that if I learn of her arguments for the rejection
of my demand and proofs and am sentenced at the same hearing, the readers of my
blogs will never become familiar with her “arguments”.
I find very
disturbing the statement, made in the court to me that the court will not
give me any asked by me information or documents during the trial, which also
reflects the actual situation from the begin of the legal proceedings against
me. I do not mean the protocols from the alleged control visits by the
police along with the alleged lists with the women and copies of their personal
data – it is clear that they do not exist as no control measures have been ever
exercised as maintained by the chief of the Leipzig vice squad Martin Keetman
and by his informant and major pimp in Leipzig Jens Kottke. But I have asked
for other pieces of information, none of which has been provided without any
explanations. Here I will mention just two of them.
First, these
are the identities of the owners of Phönix GmbH – the company that owns the brothel flats managed
by Jens Kottke. Already in his testimony, Kottke should have been asked whom
the flats belong, in what capacity he runs them and to present his powers. This
has not been done so that the powerful human traders behind Kottke remain
anonymous. And the names, birth dates and addresses of the owners of a limited
liability company in Germany are available in the owners lists, which are
attachments to the company registry.
The refusal to
provide me with the identities of the owners of Phönix
GmbH is a rejection of any opportunity to exercise my right on independent and
impartial judge and my right to decline a judge (regulated by
article 6 of the Convention and by articles 22 – 32
of the German Code of Criminal Procedures). Eventual bias
of the court is an acute problem in my case in view of the findings of the
investigation, conducted by the Saxony counterintelligence against organized
crime in the province about 10 years ago and causing the notorious Saxony
Affair, according to which many magistrates of the Leipzig District Court were
involved in prostitution (in fact human trade), in speculative real property
deals and in organized crime. Most of the brothel flats, where the crimes
against the Hungarians take place have been acquired through such speculative
deals and the only person, known to me from the press to have acquired
properties through such a deal is a former vice president of the Leipzig
District Court. The keeping in secret of the acts from the Saxony Affair,
the interruption of the investigation and the reprisals against the law-abiding
investigators, conducted by the provincial authorities with the consent of the
federal authorities represent a mass violation of the right on independent and
impartial judges and on decline of judges by many accused persons in this
court.
Second is my
unanswered question whether Jens Kottke is a police informant. I have clarified
the issue with the help of the acts but the official confirmation can come
only through the court. When a police informant files a legal complaint he
and his superiors in the police should be aware and accept that his status has
to be clarified during the trial. And when it turns out that Kottke is a police
informant, then not only the results of the investigation of the vice squad
will be null and void (they are null and void even now, as the vice squad has
been blamed by me for participation in human trade and should not take part in
the investigation) but his chief Martin Keetman, and the police officer in
charge of the informant Kottke (if different from Keetman) should be directly responsible
for the crimes, committed by Jens Kottke against the East European sex-slaves
in Leipzig.
Both asked by
me pieces of information are important for the proof of the correctness of my
statement that the policemen, I met and the pimp Jens Kottke belong to the same
system – the system of human trade.
The judge
denied my right according to article 6, par. 3, point (d) of the Convention to
examine witnesses against me and to obtain the attendance and examination of
witnesses on my behalf. I understood in the court that only the judge, a representative of the Leipzig
prosecution (the same prosecution which refused to investigate against human
trade as well as against slander by Jens Kottke on me and thus twice deprived
me of my right of justice) and me ( I am not sure about Kottke's lawyer) will take part in the main trial.
I had planned to ask Dietmar Schmidt, Ralf Oberndoerfer and Jens Kottke various
questions, but the court has deprived me of this opportunity. In her proposal
to me the judge referred to her concern about the costs of the trial but I
believe she should have thought of these costs when she signed the penalty
order against me.
. I insist
on my right to defend myself according to article 6, par. 3, point (c) of
the Convention, which is more important
for me than the costs of a law-violating trial, designed to destroy by blog,
which is an important evidence for the mass crime human trade, committed by the
German and other Western decision makers and by the controlled by them
law-enforcing authorities and Organized Crime. My opponents get anything,
they want from the authorities while when I insist on my basic rights, I am
reminded of the costs of the trial. I give here an example of this. As in her
proposal the judge has mentioned that some of the witnesses I wanted to call
could not be available to testify I asked in the court whom she had meant. I
was surprised to here that she had meant “Lili”. I had never intended to
involve the victims of human trade in the trial – first, there are plenty of
material evidences in this case and second, I did not want to get them in trouble.
But I had to find out that if I wanted to call “Lili” as a witness, she would
not be summoned, while when the human traders wanted her to testify against me,
the BKA asked for her ID the Hungarian authorities, who provided it, after
which BKA submitted it to the vice squad in Leipzig. The chief of this vice
squad instructed Jens Kottke to arrange her “voluntarily” appearance in the
police for testimonies. And all her ID and contact details are in the file.
The West is best characterized by its double standards and hypocrisy – for his
cruelty and brutality one has to dig more, as I have successfully done with my
German blog, for which reason its deletion is wanted.
My remark on
“Lili” is not the only evidence that the court does not care about what I write
or say. In my defense statement I made references to my complaint against human
trade and slander from December 22, 2011. Almost three months later, the
complaint was not in the file, so I had to email it again. I
have no grounds to believe that my statements at the main hearing will receive
more attention than my obviously fully neglected written defense statement and
proofs. Yes, there will be a protocol of the main hearing,
but no signature i.e. approval of the Charged/Convicted is needed for it and there will be only what the court wants to be – I know this from personal experience. The total dieregard of my defense activities by the court amounts to denial of my right on defense.
but no signature i.e. approval of the Charged/Convicted is needed for it and there will be only what the court wants to be – I know this from personal experience. The total dieregard of my defense activities by the court amounts to denial of my right on defense.
Now I want to
share what I find most disturbing in the file – the very management of the acts
and particularly of those of them I have submitted to the court. I have not
seen any of them in any table of content, which keeps the option for their
removal or replacement opened. The copies, I received from the court do not
bear any court stamp or signature (except for the first page), which also
allows for eventual abuse. I have no guarantees whatsoever, that the acts I
have submitted to the court, including my defense statement and proofs, are
integral part of the case file. The situation
is deteriorating by the fact, that there is no single comment made either by the
judge or the prosecutor, pointing out at what I have written in my defense
statement – and I believe this is intentionally.
For the
adequate perception of my concerns I need to explain that in Germany a judge
can be accused of perversion (obstruction) of justice only if one can prove
such an intention by the judge, which is quite difficult. Only the disregard of
the contents of fundamental for the case acts – exactly like the defense
statement and the proofs of the accused, can be considered as evidences for
such an intention. This is also the explanation, why in my case my opponents
preferred to avoid a main trial. And why the vice squad and the Leipzig
prosecution maintained in the acts to have conducted an investigation against
human trade well knowing that they have not done so. Exactly like the German
lawmakers have granted to the German brothel bosses the full freedom to deal
with the sex-slaves from Eastern Europe, they have granted the German judges
the full freedom to protect these brothel bosses and to use justice terror
against anyone who opposes the modern slavery.
Judge Ines
Walther not only did not remove the violations against me, mentioned in my
defense statement but denied me all my rights as accused and defendant I wanted
to use in this trial thus denying
me the right on defense. With this and with her denial to remove the violations
committed during the investigation she denied me totally the right on a fair
trial according to Article 6 of the Convention.
I would like
to share two more impression from the file acts – that the trial is actually
managed not by the court but by the prosecution and that in this trial I am not
treated as subject and party to the trial but just as an object. Legally, as accused and defender I am equal to the prosecution and the judge
has to be neutral and follow the laws but this is impossible under the criminal
dictatorship in Germany. I shall
illustrate both impressions with one example. Last February the judge wanted to
appoint a defendant for me but after disagreement from the prosecution she
dropped the idea. I myself have never been asked on the matter.
I have
presented already my view on the German lawyers in general and backed it with
the famous Reichstag brand trial in 1933. Besides,
German lawyers are not bound to the instructions of their clients and they are
free to abuse their trust. Actually days after I rejected the
penalty order I have approached a lawyer in Leipzig to consult me on the
legality of the actions taken by the authorities against me and left the file
with him for a couple of days. During the conversation the lawyer told me that
the legality of actions, undertaken by the authorities against me, can not be
an issue during the trial and started actively to convince me to accept his
services for the trial. He mentioned that he knew very well the judge, told me
some things about her and started considering how much money Jens Kottke could
have at his disposal. He presented to me his defense strategy, which to my mind
would only ensure my conviction and insisted that I do not interfere in his
defense actions. I said I would think about his proposal and paid what he
demanded for his “consultation” - I had big difficulties in finding a flat for
me in Berlin and knew that unless the powerful human traders did not find me to
be an easy prey for them in the trial, I would not get any. Nevertheless I took
my defense in my hand and few days after I moved to the flat I presented my
first written statement to the court. In fact, under the criminal dictatorship
in Germany no lawyer can afford to defend me. The best role, a lawyer can play
in a trial like mine, is that of an intermediary. But I do not need an
intermediary because I do not see a sense in any negotiations with this court.
They want the deletion of my blog, which I shall never do – this blog embodies
the cause of my life in the last years, for which I have paid an enormous
price. Besides, this blog is my only defense against the powerful and criminal
German top and deleting it would be the most stupid thing I could do.
I think, when
the judge wanted to appoint a defender to me, she meant exactly and
intermediary – she would much rather do her proposal to me through such a
defender than in written form and
formally, as she had to do it.
Some days ago
I informed the European Court of Human Rights (ECHR) on the violations against
me and asked for monitoring of my case. I had read about the protection, the
ECHR rendered to Akhmed Chatayev, who seems to stand behind the terror act at
the airport in Istanbul, due to his status as refugee. I hope that the ECHR has
done so only by legal and not political motivations and hope that this court
will intervene in defense of the victims of human trade and of me. Let's see.
In my defense
statement I have made clear that unless the violations in this trial against me
are not removed, I will not take part further in it. I do not want to
participate in an illegal trial, the purpose of which is through justice terror
to force me to destroy evidences for the mass and brutal crime human trade and
for the participation of the tops of the West and of their authorities in this
crime.
From the
morning of October 10 I start a permanent hunger strike
with the following demands:
1. A thorough and
complete investigation of my complaint from December 22, 2011, of
all my information and allegations and of the depicted by me cases of
mistreatment of Hungarian women in Leipzig in full compliance with the
international investigative standards. No accused in my blogs officials and
structures should take part in this investigation.
2. The
right periodically (like the lawyer of Jens Kottke) to take review of the
investigation acts against commitment on my side that as long as the
investigation is conducted professionally not to publish anything on it or to
undertake any kind of information distribution. By opinion differences on the
conduction of the investigation there should be the opportunity to seek the
opinion and the services of investigators from third countries.
3. The
Hungarian women should receive guarantees for their security fully in line with
the international treaties in this area, whereby from the very beginning
international or third countries female organizations should take care of them
4. Disclosure
of the identities of all shareholders of Phoenix GmbH as of January 1, 2010 and
as of July 27, 2015. This should be done within the framework of the
investigation in 1) but I put it here separately because I will need these
identities to check for eventual bias of the participating in the court
proceedings persons and institutions.
5. Removal
of all violations on my rights as accused in criminal case 204 Cs 817 Js 21379/11.
6. Restoration
of my right on private life, i. e. of all my Hungarian contacts and
establishment of contacts to the women, whose mistreatment I have depicted in
my blogs.
7. Restoration
of my rights as EU citizen, residing in Germany.
I will
undertake my hunger strike alone, in my flat and without medical assistance.
My hunger
strike is an appeal against the established after the Cold War in Eastern
Europe collective new colonialism of the
Western powers and in particular against its most extreme consequence and manifestation – the
human trade with East Europeans, mainly with young women, managed by the
Western rulers and their authorities and assisted by the colonial regimes in
Eastern Europe.